The indefatigable Tom Driver of Union Theological Seminary responded with an open letter to Brooks, posted in various places around the Web (here on the Haiti Justice Blog of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti). Pointing out that his column was "so shockingly ignorant of Haitian history and culture and so saturated with the language and ideology of cultural imperialism that no valuable 'truths' remain," Prof. Driver proceeds to set the record straight. His open letter is a deeply needed remedy to the usual stew of condescension and prejudice on offer from much mainstream media.
My own response to Brooks's column was published as a letter to the Pioneer Press. Excerpts from what I wrote there:
"David Brooks apparently isn't ready to acknowledge the most salient and, for many Americans, the most difficult truths of all. [He] wrings his hands (along with the economists on whom he depends) that 'we don't know how to use aid to reduce poverty,' though he admits that micro-aid is a good idea ('vital but insufficient'). What he doesn't get is that all 'aid' is not equal. 'Aid' dollars that came as massive loans with iron 'structural adjustment' chains attached--the sort of austerity requirements no U.S. bank or corporation would ever accept--have strangled Haiti's fragile economy, requiring that scarce resources be dedicated to loan repayments and forcing markets to accept cheap imports that undermine local production."
(That's why giving money to U.S. organizations that export U.S. rice to Haiti is a really, really bad idea. Unfortunately it's remarkably popular in U.S. churches.)
"Any responsible economist should have told Brooks that, but then responsible economists were shown the door during the reign of the neo-liberal 'Washington Consensus.' At length the World Bank and International Monetary Fund have forgiven Haiti's 'odious debt,' but other 'aid' institutions have yet to follow suit."
To give more precision: The World Bank and IMF (known in Haiti as the sponsors in the 1990s of Plan Grangou, "the Starvation Plan") forgave only what they were pressed to recognize as "odious debt." Much of their outstanding "development" loans to Haiti remain on the books, and as Reuters reported on Jan. 21, those institutions have now expressed their magnaminity by rolling back the payment schedules on the outstanding debt for a few years. (The World Bank loan is about $38 million. The IMF is considering a new $100 million loan to Haiti.)
My letter continues: "Brooks admits that Haiti has known its share of 'ruthless dictators, corruption, and foreign invasions,' but argues that's no excuse. What they need is a stern dose of 'locally led paternalism.' The missing link [from Brooks's article]--which accounts for much more of Haiti's present crisis--is that for centuries the mightiest nation in the hemisphere sponsored those ruthless dictators and the corruption of the same oligarchy that still holds the people by the throat, and sent in wave after wave of invasions, all in the cause of paternalism. Every impulse toward self-determination on the part of the Haitian people has been met with immediate antagonism and, eventually, overwhelming violence."
Much of that violence has been carried out by U.N. "peacekeeping" forces, made up of Sri Lankan and Brazilian soldiers (among others), who have made the poorest sections of Port-au-Prince--where exiled president Jean-Bertrand Aristide has the strongest support--into a fortified prison and who have carried out periodic "raids" on "gang leaders." Normally that has not meant the sort of pinpoint police action that the term "raid" suggests; rather, armored cars have driven around and through Site Soley firing indiscriminately into the shanty neighborhoods. The death tolls have included women and children shot through the walls of their homes. Courageous reporting from the war zone that is Site Soley has proven invaluable. The violence is one reason Haitians are not more enthusiastic about armed U.S. troops coming ashore to "restore order."
In a way, the disastrous earthquake and the continuing disaster of its aftermath are a boon to U.S. policymakers. The U.S. military has effectively taken over operations, blocking diplomatic delegations from Haiti's neighbors (CARICOM) and aid groups (Doctors without Borders) from landing at the Port-au-Prince airport. That leaves U.S. troops in a position for a two-pronged campaign. First, as they deliver aid to wealthier neighborhoods and extract U.S. citizens, they'll also be able to exert the kind of crowd control that will keep the desperately poor people in their place. (Recall that in the much-vaunted 1994 invasion, U.S. officers described their orders as "keeping the people from going up the hill"--into wealthier neighborhoods. The first priority of that invasion was to get Raoul Cedras and his fellow putschists safely out of the country.)
Second, the U.S. troops are already enjoying ample opportunities to pose for "iconic" photographs helping injured and starving Haitians (especially children). Such images of benevolent paternalism both warm American hearts and perpetuate stereotypes of the natives who just can't help themselves without supervision.
As already mentioned, the international financial instruments that have long imposed their cruel austerity programs on Haiti (now referred to as Plan Lanmo, "the Death Plan") can both extend their grip and, by stretching out the loan repayment schedule, pose as wise, caring benefactors.
Diplomatically, the U.S. and U.N. are already pledging additional support to the upcoming national elections in Haiti--although the electoral council has, in an unconstitutional move, disqualified the largest political party in the country, Aristide's Lavalas, from participation. Expect much heated rhetoric about the illegitimacy of Aristide (who was first smeared in 1990 by a CIA campaign that agent Brian Latell later admitted to Congress was a tissue of lies) and Lavalas.
And, now that the celebrities have thrown their fundraising telethons, expect to see Haiti fade from awareness over the next few months--though the sore needs of the Haitian people will only worsen.
What to do? Read up on Haiti--not only its dramatic history but the real story of two centuries of U.S. antagonism. Press for genuine aid, the cancellation of Haiti's debts, and the payment of reparations from France for the historic crime of slavery. Press for the restoration of Lavalas to the national elections and the return of illegally deposed president Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
And give to ongoing development in the country. Episcopal Relief and Development invites ongoing monthly pledges to its Haiti fund: www.er-d.org.
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